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DRC: HRW World Report; Peace, Impunity in N. Kivu; 'Court of Last Resort' Film
06 Feb 2008
Dear Colleagues,
Find below information on recent developments related to the International Criminal Court's investigation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). This digest includes excerpts from Human Rights Watch's World Report covering 2007 events including the continued violence, impunity, accountability and prospects for the ICC in DRC as well as other situation countries, an IJT blurb on the same, an IWPR article by Eugène Bakama Bope on peace in North Kivu, and information from Skylight Pictures' latest documentary film project on the ICC, The Court of Last Resort. Please take note of the Coalition's policy on situations before the ICC (below), which explicitly states that the CICC will not take a position on potential and current situations before the Court or situations under analysis. The Coalition, however, will continue to provide the most up-to-date information about the ICC. With regards, Shelly Sayagh CICC Communications I. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH WORLD REPORT 2008 In this report, released on 31 January, 2008, Human Rights Watch examines the human rights situation in 76 countries (including the European Union and the United States), of which 19 are in Africa. It provides background information on each country and conflict (where relevant), and a more concentrated synopsis on relevant factors contributing to human rights abuses on a country-specific basis as well as the role of international actors. It raised concerns of persistent human rights abuses in four counties where the ICC has issued arrest warrants. The report is very critical of most international actors operating in the DRC. i. "HRW World Report 2008: Events of 2007,"Human Rights Watch, 31 January 2008, http://hrw.org/wr2k8/pdfs/wr2k8_web.pdf "Despite widespread optimism following the 2006 elections, violence against civilians, political repression, and impunity has continued during Joseph Kabila's first year as the newly elected president of the Democratic Republic of Congo. ...All sides in the conflict commit atrocities against civilians, especially women, and a further 350,000 people joined the hundreds of thousands already displaced. …Law enforcement officials arbitrarily detained over 300 people linked to the opposition.... Few military or civilian authorities were held accountable for past crimes. Warlords and militia leaders continue to be awarded top army positions instead of facing justice for their abuses. The people of the eastern Congo, buffeted by years of war, endured more armed conflict and human rights abuses, including murders, rape, and the recruitment and use of child soldiers, despite political agreements meant to resolve conflicts in the eastern province of North Kivu. …The shifting configurations of the conflict have variously seen all forces fighting each other. The Congolese government, backed by the international community, tried various measures to end the fighting, but failed to address its underlying causes. Although crimes by all parties constituted violations of international humanitarian law, virtually none has been investigated, let alone prosecuted. …Persons suspected of grave violations of international humanitarian law continued to enjoy near total impunity. Only a handful were arrested and prosecuted while dozens of others were promoted to senior positions in the army or the government… …The International Criminal Court (ICC) in the Hague provided some hope that perpetrators of human rights abuses in Congo would be held to account…." ii. "Justice Still Missing in Congo, Sudan and Uganda," Justice Memo by International Justice Tribune, 4 February 2008, http://www.justicetribune.com/index.php?page=v2_article&id=4033 "In the Democratic Republic of Congo, `persons suspected of grave violations of international humanitarian law continued to enjoy near total impunity'. The report points out one exception, the case of warlord Kahwa Mandro: although he was brought before the court in Bunia (Ituri district) for war crimes and crimes against humanity, `he was acquitted after an appeals process marred by irregularities.' In general, only a handful of those responsible are being prosecuted, `while dozen of others were promoted to senior positions in the army or the government.' Hope still lies with the ICC, which is set to open its first two trials against former Congolese militia leaders Thomas Lubanga and Germain Katanga…." II. CLOSING THE IMPUNITY GAP IN NORTH KIVU "North Kivu's Fragile Peace by Eugène Bakama Bope (IWPR) 4 February 2008, http://www.iwpr.net/?p=acr&s=f&o=342445&apc_state=henh "The recently ended peace conference to stop the killing in Congo's North Kivu province finished on a high note with promises on all sides that combatants would lay down their weapons. Within days, however, there was renewed fighting between soldiers loyal to the renegade Congolese Tutsi general Laurent Nkunda and the rival Pareco militia group. Though both sides insisted they were still committed to peace, the renewed hostilities underlined the fragile nature of the deal reached in the provincial capital Goma. It also raised questions as to whether such an agreement can truly end the violence and insecurity in North Kivu. …[T]here have been several similar agreements before, one in Arusha and another in Nairobi, for example. …This history of failed agreements shows that signing documents isn't enough. The will to achieve lasting peace is vital.... …Under the most recent deal, a commission will be set up to manage the implementation of the Goma accord. That has now been formed. It is chaired by the government and includes representatives from the international community and the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo, MONUC. One of the commission's trickiest tasks, however, will be to oversee the demobilization of the rebel soldiers or their integration into the Congolese army. …Much remains to be done before a proper army is set up in the DRC. …Though the fate of Nkunda was not on the agenda at Goma, it has been a topic of much speculation in Congo. The peace deal outlined an amnesty for the region's warlords, though not for those suspected of war crimes and crimes against humanity. DRC president Joseph Kabila insists that amnesty is not a synonym for impunity…. Some agree that he should get his wish in the name of national reconciliation and to avoid further war in the province. Others insist the Nkunda should face the full rigors of the law. Nkunda is the subject of an international arrest warrant issued by the Congolese government for crimes allegedly committed by his troops in the South Kivu town of Bukavu in 2004. If he were granted an amnesty all prosecutions against him on a national level would be dropped. But that doesn't protect him from prosecution by the International Criminal Court, ICC. It is unknown if the court's prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, is investigating war crimes in North Kivu, though the court has in the past expressed concern at the reports of mass graves, rapes and massacres in territories under Nkunda's control. …It is a mistake to make peace with criminals just as it is a mistake to forget the crimes that were committed in the east of the DRC. Impunity has always been a threat to peace. It should be the responsibility of the Congolese judicial system to investigate and prosecute Nkunda. Failing that, the ICC should to lead such investigations and do its utmost to put Nkunda on trial. Now the peace deal is signed, we Congolese must also think about national reconciliation…." III. `COURT OF LAST RESORT' FILMING IN DRC "The Court of Last Resort," blog and information on a documentary film project by Skylight Pictures, posted on 31 December 2007, http://skylightpictures.com/film/site/updates/the_justice_factor/ "We've been in production since September on The Court of Last Resort (working title), our film about the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. …So far we've filmed many interviews and activities at ICC headquarters in The Hague, and at the Assembly of States Parties in November, setting the stage for the global purview of the ICC and the challenges it faces in its early years. …We walked with Hema tribal spokesman Professor Pilo Kamaragi through the killing fields of Bogoro in the Ituri region of eastern Congo, site of the massacre allegedly perpetrated by local warlord Germain `Simba' Katanga – human skeletons were strewn throughout the tall elephant grass. Katanga was charged by the International Criminal Court with three counts of crimes against humanity and six counts of war crimes for his involvement in killings, pillaging, using child soldiers and sexual enslavement during an attack on the town of Bogoro. From a documentary filmmaking point of view, we... had the serendipity of being in Ituri in October when Katanga, who led the FRPI militia, was taken into custody by the International Criminal Court (ICC) to The Hague, to the same prison where his arch-enemy Thomas Lubanga, leader of the Hema UPC militia, has been since last year facing charges of conscripting child soldiers, a war crime under the Rome Statute.... …Until the ICC took Katanga, Lubanga's Hema people complained that the ICC was being unjust in singling out their leader, but it turns out that he was just the first of several warlords the ICC has in its sights. Now that Katanga is in custody as well, leaders of both groups are claiming that it's their Ituri region that's been targeted, so the conversation has shifted to a national perspective on justice. But they seem resigned to let justice take its course with Lubanga and Katanga, and are actually calling for the ICC to arrest `bigger fish' in Congo's capital Kinshasa, and to intervene in the Lake Kivu region where so much unspeakable violence is raging. …It will take time to bring Ituri back to the prosperous agricultural and mining region it once was, and ending the culture of impunity is an essential element in the process – the ICC arrests have made clear that perpetrators will be brought to account, which is the major step towards lasting peace. …After Katanga was taken to The Hague, the last three remaining warlords in the Ituri region turned themselves in to accept a DDR [disarmament, demobilization and reintegration, overseen by MONUC, the UN's mission in the Congo] offer, apparently no longer seeing any future as rebels and wanting to avoid the ICC. …Major Innocent, a military judge..., keeps a copy of the ICC Rome Statute on his desk to guide him as he judges Congolese military officers and soldiers for human rights abuses. …Major Innocent told us that he thinks it's important to set an example by imposing harsh sentences for human rights violations.... …Bunia has no newspapers, and electricity is so sporadic that TV is not a strong medium, but radios run on batteries and are ubiquitous, so radio is far and away the dominant source of information in the region. People call in all day long on their cell phones, and we filmed a fascinating program they hosted with ICC Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo phoning in from The Hague to take questions about the Katanga arrest from local callers. …A remarkable effect of the ICC interventions are the fierce debates it has generated about the role of justice in the transition to sustainable peace. …We'll have to wait to see how things develop, but that this discussion is even happening constitutes a positive outcome of the ICC intervention." ********************************** CICC's policy on the referral and prosecution of situations before the ICC: The Coalition for the ICC is not an organ of the Court. The CICC is an independent NGO movement dedicated to the establishment of the International Criminal Court as a fair, effective, and independent international organization. The Coalition will continue to provide the most up-to-date information about the ICC and to help coordinate global action to effectively implement the Rome Statute of the ICC. The Coalition will also endeavor to respond to basic queries and to raise awareness about the ICC's trigger mechanisms and procedures, as they develop. The Coalition as a whole, and its secretariat, do not endorse or promote specific investigations or prosecutions or take a position on situations (potential and current), or situations under analysis before the ICC. However, individual CICC members may endorse referrals, provide legal and other support on investigations, or develop partnerships with local and other organizations in the course of their efforts. Communications to the ICC can be sent to: ICC P.O. Box 19519 2500 CM The Hague The Netherlands |
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