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Darfur, Part 1: Member Statements on OTP Request Against Sudanese President Al-Bashir
14 July 2008
Dear all,
This is the first of a two-part message on the ICC Prosecutor's application today requesting Pre-Trial Chamber I to issue a warrant of arrest under against Sudanese President Omar Hassan Ahmad Al-Bashir for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Darfur. Please find below Coalition member statements and links to related background papers. The second of our two-part message will follow later today and will contain a selection of news articles and analysis regarding today's application. The Office of the Prosecutor's Press Release and Application are accessible at http://www.icc-cpi.int/press/pressreleases/406.html and http://www.icc-cpi.int/library/organs/otp/ICC-OTP-Summary-20081704-ENG.pdf respectively. For more information on Darfur and the ICC, please visit the Coalition's site at http://coalitionfortheicc.org/?mod=darfur Please take note of the Coalition's policy on situations before the ICC (below), which explicitly states that the CICC will not take a position on potential and current situations before the Court or situations under analysis. The Coalition, however, will continue to provide the most up-to-date information about the ICC. Best regards, CICC Communications [email protected] ************* I. CICC MEMBER STATEMENTS i. "Darfur: ICC Moves Against Sudan's Leader: Charges Against al-Bashir a Major Step to Ending Impunity," Human Rights Press Release, 14 July 2008, http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/07/14/sudan19335.htm "The International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor's request for an arrest warrant against Sudan's president is a significant step towards ending impunity for the horrific crimes in Darfur, Human Rights Watch said today... `Charging President al-Bashir for the hideous crimes in Darfur shows that no one is above the law,' said Richard Dicker, director of Human Rights Watch's International Justice Program. `It is the prosecutor's job to follow the evidence wherever it leads, regardless of official position.' The ICC's Pre-Trial Chamber will review the information in the prosecutor's application to determine whether to grant the request for a warrant. If the Pre-Trial Chamber judges are satisfied that there are `reasonable grounds to believe' that al-Bashir has committed ICC crimes and that arrest is necessary to bring him to trial, it will issue the warrant. ...In a December 2005 report, "Entrenching Impunity: Government responsibility for international crimes in Darfur" (http://hrw.org/reports/2005/darfur1205/), Human Rights Watch called for investigations of senior Sudanese government officials, including al-Bashir, for crimes against humanity and war crimes. To date, no senior officials have been brought to justice in Sudan for these massive crimes. The Sudanese government has shown no willingness to end its deliberate attacks on civilians in Darfur – attacks which continue to this day. `The warrant request against President al-Bashir is one step towards ending the environment of total impunity that continues in Sudan today,' said Dicker. `The warrant in no way lessens the government's obligations to ensure protection of civilians and justice for abuses carried out in Darfur.' Human Rights Watch called upon Sudan to abide by its agreement to permit deployment of the African Union/United Nations hybrid operation in Darfur (UNAMID) as set out in Security Council Resolution 1769. Under international humanitarian law, Sudan is also required to ensure the full, safe, and unhindered access of humanitarian relief to all those in need in Darfur, in particular to internally displaced persons and refugees. On March 31, 2005, the UN Security Council referred the situation in Darfur to the ICC prosecutor. In April 2007, the ICC issued its first arrest warrants against State Minister for Humanitarian Affairs Ahmed Haroun and Janjaweed leader Ali Kosheib for their leading roles in crimes in West Darfur. The Sudanese government has refused to surrender the first two suspects. On June 16, 2008, the UN Security Council unanimously called on Sudan to cooperate with the ICC. In his June 2008 briefing to the Security Council, ICC Prosecutor Moreno Ocampo announced that he had collected evidence of a `criminal plan based on the mobilization of the whole state apparatus, including the armed forces, the intelligence services, the diplomatic and public information bureaucracies, and the justice system.' The Security Council's referral to the ICC stemmed from the January 2005 UN International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur report to the UN secretary-general. The report found that the government of Sudan and its allied Janjaweed militias were responsible for serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law amounting to crimes under international law and strongly recommended referral to the ICC. The commission created a sealed list of 51 suspects bearing further investigation, including a number of senior government officials and military commanders. The list was handed over to the UN secretary-general with the recommendation that it be disclosed to the ICC prosecutor. `It is hardly news that senior leaders in Khartoum are implicated in the devastation in Darfur, but it is noteworthy that the request for criminal charges has been brought against the person at the top," said Dicker.'" ii. "President Al-Bashir sought by the ICC," FIDH Press Release, 14 July 2008, http://www.coalitionfortheicc.org/documents/sd1407a.pdf "The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and its member organisation the Sudan Organisation against Torture (SOAT) welcome today's announcement by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court on the request for an arrest warrant against Omar Hassan Al- Bashir, President of the Sudan, for charges of genocide and crimes against humanity committed in Darfur. `This is the first time judicial evidence is presented to prove that the crime of genocide has been perpetrated in Darfur. The Prosecutor's filing confirms that the highest authority of the government has been personally involved in planning the mass campaign of violence against the population of Darfur. We believe that disclosing this evidence and indicting Al-Bashir could contribute to stability in the region `, said Souhayr Belhassen, President of FIDH. `Concealing his crimes under the guise of a `counterinsurgency strategy', or `inter tribal clashes', or the `actions of lawless autonomous militia', Al-Bashir made possible the commission of further crimes. He promoted and provided impunity to his subordinates in order to secure their willingness to commit genocide', the Prosecutor said. FIDH and SOAT call upon the Security Council, the African Union and the League of Arab States to support the actions carried out by the Prosecutor and the ICC. `States must protect the civilian population in Darfur and the joint military force deployed in this territory. They must also intensify their efforts to work towards a legal and political solution', added Souhayr Belhassen. According to the treaty founding the ICC, there is no immunity from prosecution for crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes: those who have committed the most serious crimes cannot escape international justice regardless of their official capacity. The ICC has already issued arrest warrants for Ahmad Harun, Sudanese Minister for Humanitarian Affairs, and Ali Kushayb, a Janjaweed militia leader. Both men are still at large and have been protected by the Government of Sudan and by President Al-Bashir himself. Mr. Ocampo had indicated in previous speeches that protecting the indicted, in particular Ahmad Harun, demonstrated that other members of the Sudanese government were involved in the commission of the massive atrocities committed in Darfur. The decision now lies with the judges, who will consider the evidence and decide whether an arrest warrant should be issued against Al-Bashir." iii. "Countries Shipping Arms to Sudan May Violate Genocide Convention," Human Rights First, 11 July 2008, http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/media/darfur/2008/statement/318/index.htm "If the Prosecutor for the International Criminal Court (ICC) names Sudan's president as a suspect and includes genocide charges, countries providing arms to Sudan may be violating the Genocide Convention by failing to take action to prevent it, said Human Rights First. According to news reports, ICC Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo will refer President Bashir to the Court's Pre-Trial Chamber I, and request that the chamber issue a warrant for his arrest for his role in perpetrating genocide in Darfur from 2003-2008, resulting in deaths of more than 300,000 people. This request for a warrant will mark the end of the initial phase of what is thus far a three-year investigation into crimes committed in all of Darfur. `If, indeed, genocide charges are alleged against Bashir on Monday, the whole landscape of legal liability changes, especially for the countries that have been providing weapons to Sudan,' said Betsy Apple, director of Human Rights First's Crimes Against Humanity program. ...`If the ICC Prosecutor does include genocide charges on Monday, this would put the onus on the world to do more than shrug its shoulders. Such a decision could galvanize the world to match its expressions of concern with concrete actions to halt arms transfers,' said Apple. If Bashir is named on Monday, the decision of if and how to pursue the case will rest with the Chamber, which will assess whether there are reasonable grounds to charge the suspects with crimes committed within the jurisdiction of the Court. There is no fixed deadline for the Pre-Trial Chamber to issue warrants; in past cases, this process has taken up to two months. There is considerable concern that the potential decision to prosecute Bashir could, in the immediate term, complicate the situation on the ground in Darfur. The prospect of prosecution might cause the Government of Sudan to further obstruct the deployment of peacekeeping forces, retaliate against humanitarian organizations in Darfur, or otherwise thwart international efforts to resolve the crisis in Darfur. It is entirely unclear, however, if and how Khartoum might retaliate, and it is well-known that the Government of Sudan has failed to cooperate with the international community thus far even before the prospect of additional prosecutions. Recent history demonstrates that whenever short-term peace efforts are prioritized over justice, the people suffering from the conflict are the losers. Sudan is a case in point.... `The notion that you can and even must forsake the pursuit of justice and accountability to achieve peace is based on a false and dangerous dichotomy,' said Apple....'Peace and justice efforts really need to work hand-in-hand in order for the peace to be durable.'" iv. " New ICC Prosecution: Opportunities and Risks for Peace in Sudan," International Crisis Group Press Release, 14 July 2008, http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=5571&l=1&m=1 "Today's application by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) for a warrant of arrest for Sudanese President Omar Bashir for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in Darfur creates both big opportunities and big risks for peace in Sudan. These are the first charges of genocide and the first charges against a head of state to be brought before the ICC. The judges will now have to weigh the Prosecutor's evidence and decide – a process that could take some months – whether to issue the arrest warrant. In seeking this warrant, the Prosecutor is acting within his mandate under the Rome Statute and from the UN Security Council, which in 2005 referred crimes committed in Darfur to him for investigation and prosecution. That mandate has been consistently frustrated by the Sudanese government – not least in its refusal to hand over the government minister, Ahmad Harun, and Janjaweed commander, Ali Kushayb, against whom warrants were issued in April 2007 – and it is important for the Prosecutor to protect the credibility of the Court by pursuing further prosecutions. It may also prove to be the case that in initiating this process the Prosecutor will be advancing the interests of peace. That is not his official role – which is rather to act, in the interests of justice, to end impunity for those believed guilty of atrocity crimes. But it may be that the increased pressure now placed on the NCP governing regime will lead it to take long overdue steps to cease all violence, implement genuine and credible measures to resolve the Darfur crisis – including allowing the full and effective deployment of the UNAMID peacekeeping force – and fully carry out its side of the bargain to implement the North-South Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). The problem for international policymakers is that the Prosecutor's legal strategy also poses major risks for the fragile peace and security environment in Sudan, with a real chance of greatly increasing the suffering of very large numbers of its people. Hard-liners on all sides may be reinforced, with the governing regime and other actors reacting to today's application, and any subsequent warrant, in ways that seriously undermine the fragile North-South peace process, bring an end to any chance of political negotiations in Darfur, make impossible the effective deployment of UNAMID, put at risk the humanitarian relief operations presently keeping alive over 2 million people in Darfur, and lead to inflammation of wider regional tensions. These are significant risks, particularly given that the likelihood of actually executing any warrant issued against Bashir is remote, at least in the short term. The best way through this dilemma may be for the UN Security Council to take advantage of the likely two to three month window before the judges' decision on the arrest warrant, to assess whether genuine and substantial progress is in fact being made in stopping the continuing violence for which the governing regime bears responsibility, engaging in genuine peace negotiations in Darfur, expediting UNAMID deployment and advancing the CPA. If it believes such progress is being made, and that the interests of peace justify this course being taken, the Security Council could – even if the Prosecutor and the ICC wanted to proceed – exercise its power under Article 16 of the Rome Statute to suspend any prosecutions, for an initial twelve months but with such suspension able to be renewed indefinitely. Such a decision would have to be made in light of the regime's history of repeatedly flouting agreements it has entered into. But the need for any Article 16 deferral to be renewed on an annual basis would provide an incentive, hitherto lacking, for the regime to abide by commitments made under threat of ICC prosecution. This is not the time to be relieving pressure on the Bashir regime – or the rebel groups who are making their own major contribution to conflict in Darfur. But the most critical of all needs is to end the horrific suffering of the Sudanese people and to ensure there is no new explosion of mass violence. Crisis Group President Gareth Evans said that the international community now faced a hard policy choice in balancing risk and opportunity: `The Sudanese governing regime has until now utterly failed in its responsibility to protect its own people. The judgement call the Security Council now has to make is whether Khartoum can be most effectively pressured to stop the violence and build a new Sudan by simply letting the Court process proceed, or – after assessing the regime's initial response, and continuing to monitor it thereafter – by suspending that process in the larger interests of peace'." v. "The merits of justice: Would more people, or less people, rob banks if there was no penalty for robbing banks?" ENOUGH Project Strategy Paper 35, By John Norris, David Sullivan, and John Prendergast, July 2008 (Footnotes removed from excerpted text), http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2008/07/merits_of_justice.html "This week the International Criminal Court, or ICC, took important steps toward promoting peace and accountability in Sudan by urging an arrest warrant for crimes against humanity against the Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. Sadly, but somewhat unsurprisingly, the step has set off a chorus of hand-wringing among certain diplomats, academics, and pundits, who are now arguing that holding perpetrators of crimes against humanity accountable for their actions is unhelpful....Holding people accountable for war crimes is not only the right thing to do from a moral perspective—it directly promotes peace and makes future such abuses less likely....The International Criminal Court is doing no more than acknowledging the plain, painful truth of Sudan's tragedy. The prosecutor should be congratulated for recognizing that turning a blind eye to war crimes is not helpful. If the hand-wringing all feels a bit familiar, it is because we have been through this more than once before. In 1999, during the Kosovo conflict, Slobodan Milosevic was indicted in the middle of not only a NATO bombing campaign to reverse the ethnic cleaning in Kosovo, but of high-level peace talks between the United States, Russia, and Finland to end the war. Very few commentators took exception with the notion that Milosevic had been intimately involved in directing ethnic cleansing, genocide, and sundry other war crimes in Bosnia and Kosovo....Instead of appreciating that Milosevic employed ethnic cleansing in Kosovo in large part because he had used such tactics with impunity in the earlier Bosnia conflict, commentators appeared deathly afraid that the international community might somehow offend Mr. Milosevic's delicate sensibilities. Yet, in retrospect, the work of the Yugoslav tribunal and the indictment of Milosevic led to none of the doomsday scenarios envisioned by the skeptics. ...Indictments don't necessarily derail peace talks and, indeed, they seem to be most helpful in clarifying the minds of dictators that their very existence is at stake. ...Taylor's indictment, combined with unprecedented levels of international pressure (including a U.S. warship on the horizon) helped to build the leverage necessary to actually move him out of Monrovia into a negotiated exile in Nigeria. ...International pressure in the form of his indictment dramatically changed the contextof conflict in Liberia and helped to bring about genuine civilian protection on the ground. ...Today, self-professed realists argue that Taylor's handover to justice sent the wrong message to dictators like Bashir and Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, maintaining that it undermines the credibility of amnesty offers to dictators who are all the more likely to hold on to power at any cost. This facile misreading of history misses the real lessons from Taylor: Conditional asylum remains a viable option. Taylor opted for exile because the right combination of pressures was belatedly applied by regional and international actors. It is the responsibility of international mediators to make clear the terms of such a deal and for the countries involved to ensure its credibility. ...Skeptics warn that the ICC's action against Bashir may cause Sudan to implode. But hundreds of thousands in Darfur have been killed or displaced by violence and its fallout. The UN-led peacekeeping effort remains largely stillborn, with seven peacekeepers killed in an ambush on July 8. Peace talks have been a dead-end, and tensions between North-South in Sudan threaten to unravel an earlier peace deal and could hasten Sudan's disintegration. This is not a status quo that we should worry about upsetting with an arrest warrant. On the contrary, the only way by which the fundamental dynamics of conflict in Sudan will change is by introducing accountability.... ...Like Milosevic and Taylor, impunity has emboldened Bashir over the years. It would be illogical for him to alter a brutal but successful formula for retaining power. ...The case against Bashir introduces three new elements into the Darfur equation: leverage, deterrence, and protection. How they are utilized by the international community will help determine whether or not a solution for Darfur is at hand. ...Bashir now must understand that his fate is tied to a peaceful resolution of the Darfur crisis, a sensible peace deal, and deployment of the UN-led protection force. After Moreno-Ocampo presents his case, the ICC judges will most likely take several months to make a decision on issuing a warrant for arrest. During this time the Security Council should vigorously build leverage in support of a peace deal and deployment of peacekeepers. Equally, the Security Council needs to understand that any effort to derail justice or interfere with the chief Prosecutor's work would be a disaster. Deterrence is also a positive new potential factor. Proper follow up to Bashir's warrant could deter future perpetrators of crimes against humanity in Sudan. Least discussed but potentially most important are the implications the arrest warrant will have for protecting civilians. The record shows over the last two decades that General Bashir's regime has backed off its most deadly war strategies when international pressure has been well coordinated and at its high points. ...Absent from all too many discussions about peace and justice in Darfur is the voice of the Darfurians themselves. In our visits to the region, from reports coming from inside Darfur as well as the Darfurian diaspora, the people of Darfur stand united behind the demand to end impunity. ...The people of Darfur demand that the government of Sudan adheres to the rule of international law by arresting and surrendering suspects to the ICC. They are very clear on who they think was the perpetrator in this case....Some people mention the name of President Bashir as the culprit, others mention Director of National Intelligence Salah Gosh and other state officials, but the message is clear: It is the regime that is responsible for the genocide. ...ICC charges against Bashir, or any high-level official from his government, will be welcomed by Darfurians of all walks of life, because to them it represents the first step in ending impunity, and a hope for closure to a life of misery that seemed endless. ...Several spurious arguments continually obstruct efforts to secure both peace and justice in wartorn corners of the globe. World weary `experts' are often far too quick to speak about Sudan the same way they used to speak about the Balkans and West Africa—as a hopeless wellspring of endless ethnic tensions doomed to perpetual violence. It is baffling why anyone would think that acceding to the demands of war criminals is a sensible path to securing peace....Unless concerted international action is taken to impose a cost on the perpetrators of these crimes, they will not change their behavior. And although international politics may preclude punishment for every regime that may be guilty of atrocities, just because we cannot yet go after every war criminal does not mean we should go after none....Yes, there will be many perilous days ahead in Sudan full of high-stakes diplomacy, confrontation, and difficult choices before Bashir and his accomplishes face justice. Yes, the voices of the naysayers at times will reach a crescendo. However, the International Criminal Court should be applauded for taking the first brave step down this important road. The world will ultimately be a better place for its action." II. NGO FACTSHEETS AND BACKGROUNDERS i. To read a Human Rights Watch Q&A on the ICC prosecutor's request for an arrest warrant against Al-Bashir, please visit: http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/01/14/sudan19333.htm ii. To read an Amnesty Q & A on the same, please visit at http://www.amnesty.org/en/for-media/press-releases/international-criminal-court-possible-arrest-warrants-against-sudanese-o iii. To read an ENOUGH Project backgrounder on Al-Bashir, please visit http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2008/07/pdf/factsheet_bashir.pdf ***************** CICC's policy on the referral and prosecution of situations before the ICC: The Coalition for the ICC is not an organ of the court. The CICC is an independent NGO movement dedicated to the establishment of the International Criminal Court as a fair, effective, and independent international organization. The Coalition will continue to provide the most up-to-date information about the ICC and to help coordinate global action to effectively implement the Rome Statute of the ICC. The Coalition will also endeavor to respond to basic queries and to raise awareness about the ICC's trigger mechanisms and procedures, as they develop. The Coalition as a whole, and its secretariat, do not endorse or promote specific investigations or prosecutions or take a position on situations before the ICC. However, individual CICC members may endorse referrals, provide legal and other support on investigations, or develop partnerships with local and other organizations in the course of their efforts. Communications to the ICC can be sent to: ICC P.O. box 19519 2500 CM the Hague The Netherlands |
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